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By Alessandro Brogi

In the course of the chilly conflict, the USA encountered unforeseen demanding situations from Italy and France, nations with the most powerful, and determinedly so much anti-American, Communist events in Western Europe. established totally on new proof from communist files in France and Italy, in addition to examine files within the usa, Alessandro Brogi's unique research finds how the us used to be compelled through political competition inside of those center Western international locations to re-examine its personal anticommunist techniques, its photograph, and the final that means of yank liberal capitalist tradition and ideology.

Brogi exhibits that the resistance to Americanization used to be a severe try for the French and Italian communists' personal legitimacy and life. Their anti-Americanism used to be usually dogmatic and pushed through the Soviet Union, however it was once additionally, at the most important instances, sophisticated and ambivalent, nurturing fascination with the yankee tradition of dissent. The staunchly anticommunist usa, Brogi argues, stumbled on a winning stability to combating the communist hazard in France and Italy through making use of international relations and fostering cases of light dissent in either nations. eventually, either the French and Italian communists did not adapt to the forces of modernization that stemmed either from indigenous elements and from American effect. Confronting America illuminates the political, diplomatic, financial, and cultural conflicts at the back of the U.S.-communist confrontation.

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Extra info for Confronting America: The Cold War between the United States and the Communists in France and Italy

Example text

16 All these arguments, from both parties, naturally served Soviet interests; but they also helped the two parties cast an image of moral patriotism. Downplaying chauvinism helped them to further discredit the extreme Right and to uphold the politics of the Grand Alliance. These politics could especially prevent Anglo-American control of their nations, while also validating a communist role in the coalition governments. Above all, democratic nationalism signified the right of the proletariat to represent national interests, as opposed to the decadent bourgeoisie, which was responsible for the March on Rome, Munich, and Vichy.

The two parties’ efforts to discredit the Anglo-American contribution to the Liberation in France and to the restoration of liberty in Italy immediately paralleled their glorification of the Red Army and of the communist Resistance. Months before Togliatti’s return, the PCI’s Rome committee, led by Mauro Scoccimarro, already announced a twin struggle for “full national independence,” equating fascism and capitalist imperialism.

Since the 1930s it had counted a great number of distinguished adherents, to which many more were added in the postwar period. 46 Communist intellectual ascendancy in Europe immediately after the war was all the more extraneous to American cultural understanding because it was at this time that the Soviet myth died among most American intellectuals, as did their adherence to the orthodox CPUSA. The communist appeal to many liberal intellectuals in Italy and France was consistent with the movement’s effort to project a self-image of legality and moderation.

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