By Daniel Nelson
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A contrasting interpretation might be, of course, that the active participants who emerged as noninfluentials in terms of the survey results were in fact a part of the legislative elite, but that they were insufficiently recognised by their colleagues responding to the reputational survey interviews. This seems very doubtful, however, in view of the rather convincing correlation of findings with respect to Zdenko Has and other deputies who ran high in terms of all three factors, prominence (or influence), participation, and political professionalisation (legislative and party experience).
The new policy had the unmistakable effect of temporarily reducing the more disruptive effects and inefficiency of regional and ethnic conflicts (Perovic, 1979). The policy also, however, clearly reduced the political autonomy and vitality of the legislative system as a distinct decision-making site (Cohen, 1977). From the viewpoint of the party leadership, the benefits accruing to the stability and survival of the existing political system far outweighed any damage to the previous, and often suspect, course of legislative development.
Via that 'general' political deputy. Naturally, this weakened the direct influence of self-management communities on assemblies, which was not to the satisfaction of self-managers in these communities. They sought direct participation in the work of the assemblies and not just participation through so-called 'political deputies' .... What we are doing today has nothing in common with the liberalism of the sixties. The aim of the liberalism then was to abolish or to substantially restrict self-management and to impose a centralistic state behind the mask of apparent parliamentarism (Foreign Broadcast Information Service, 29 Sept.