By James Dingley
This edited e-book analyses the teachings which are drawn from Northern Ireland’s stories of fighting terrorism. The essays during this quantity unite research and perform in exploring either the clash in Northern eire and the across the world acceptable counter-terrorism classes which are drawn from the reaction to it. The individuals, all experts of their fields, make a theoretical research of the underlying reasons of terrorism, and discover how this interacts with the advance of potent operations and coverage responses. The ebook emphasises the socio-economic and socio-cultural dimensions underlying the matter of terrorism, arguing that non permanent, violent/military responses can in reality exacerbate the matter. It highlights the complexity of terrorism as a social phenomenon, and descriptions the multi-faceted procedure had to wrestle it.
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Additional resources for Combating Terrorism in Northern Ireland (Cass Series on Political Violence)
Henry Patterson (1998) The Politics of Illusion (London: Hutchinson), provides a detailed history of Republicans’ ideas on socialism. 12 See note 11, English, conclusion. Northern Ireland and the ‘troubles’ 31 13 David Fitzpatrick (1998) The Two Irelands (Oxford: OPUS), chapter 6. Terence Brown (1981) Ireland: A Social and Cultural History (Glasgow: Fontana). 14 Brian Girvin (2002) From Union to Union (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan). Desmond Fennell (1993) Heresy (Belfast: Blackstaff Press). 15 Colin Coulter (1999) Contemporary Northern Irish Society (London: Pluto), pp.
In one sense they were right, the old advantages that the Unionist patronage system had provided for the Protestant working-class were no longer on offer. Once again they now had to compete with Catholics for life opportunities and security. It was a new, more articulate Catholic community, led by young graduates, whose assertiveness reminded Protestants of all the old dangers. It was this that set the ‘troubles’ off, not, as is often claimed discrimination per se or newly educated Catholics (products of the welfare state and generous state education).
Catholic attitudes again shifted in the 1950s when the UK welfare state made a substantial difference to every ones standard of living and life began to settle down into a kind of agreed stand-off. 84 However, it also served to remind Unionists of a constant threat and that they could never relax. 85 The first moves to breaking down some of the old barriers were made; O’Neill visited Catholic schools and met the Republic’s Prime Minister and the old Nationalist Party stopped boycotting Northern Ireland’s State institutions.